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Il portale fornisce i dati sulla distribuzione dei gruppi di piante o animali selezionati e le schede informative sulle singole specie. FloraFaunaAltoAdige si rivolge a tutte le persone che si occupano di flora e fauna dell'Alto Adige, in egual misura sia a specialisti che persone interessate.
Fin dalla sua fondazione nel , il Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige si pone come il centro di documentazione di riferimento per la flora e la fauna della regione.
Il portale vuole spronare la collaborazione nella rilevazione dei dati e rafforzare la comunicazione tra i conservatori del museo, in quanto gestori del portale, e gli esperti esterni, ma anche con le persone comuni che sono semplicemente interessate all'argomento.
Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige Via Bottai, 1 Bolzano www. Per richieste di contatto, domande e proposte su FloraFaunaAltoAdige scrivere a: florafauna naturmuseum.
L'utilizzo di FloraFaunaAltoAdige prevede che si accettino le condizioni elencate di seguito:. Per i dati estratti in generale e gli output mappe ed elenco delle specie : FloraFaunaAltoAdige.
Il portale sulla distribuzione delle specie animali e vegetali in Alto Adige. Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige, Bolzano. Per il progetto: Wilhalm T.
Kranebitter P. Gredleriana Per i lavori scientifici devono essere citate le pubblicazioni elettroniche sui diversi gruppi di organismi.
Per la ricerca di singole specie animali e vegetali sono disponibili due diverse funzioni. Dato che tutte le specie di un genere segnalate in Alto Adige vengono elencate, FloraFaunaAltoAdige assolve anche alla funzione di catalogo delle specie checklist.
La mappa di localizzazione, invece, indica i luoghi dell'avvistamento di una specie se si dispone delle coordinate il punto esatto o uno dei luoghi di riferimento nelle vicinanze.
FloraFaunaAltoAdige utilizza tre indicazioni di stato vedi il simbolo relativo , che nella flora e fauna talvolta sono utilizzati diversamente:. La maggioranza dei dati proviene comunque dalla cartografia floristica in corso.
La definizione tassonomia delle specie rappresentate si basa essenzialmente su Fischer M. Adler W. La nomenclatura segue Wilhalm et al.
Niklfeld H. Carex , Johannes Walter Vienna; Amaranthus, Chenopodium, Portulaca , Thomas Wilhalm Bolzano; Poaceae, v.
Festuca , Christian Zidorn Colonia; Crepis, Leontodon, Scorzoneroides. Persone che hanno raccolto e trasferito dati dagli anni Ottanta del Novecento nell'ambito della cartografia floristica: Christine Aichner Molini di Tures , Georg Aichner Tires , C.
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Il gruppo di Ranunculus auricomus L. First, those appointed to govern the provinces and command legions were prevented from carrying out their public responsibilities.
Second, by keeping these men in positions of authority, however emasculated it was, others were denied the opportunity to pursue reasonable career ambitions.
Death and the Dux Romanus The jealousy and suspicion under which successful commanders such as Agricola and Germanicus lived are reflected in the suspect circumstances in which they died.
His death, however, was an event of much mystery Ag. Rumor had it that Agricola had been poisoned, and although he refuses to confirm, Tacitus does not hesitate to elaborate Ag.
Germanicus himself believed that Piso poisoned him Ann. Germanicus renounced his friendship with Piso 2. The suggestion is rather audacious since Piso was notoriously independent and took orders only from one person, the princeps, and even then reluctantly 1.
If Piso acted on orders, then they could have come only from Tiberius. In his private words to his wife Agrippina, Germanicus was rumored to be more explicit about his fear of Tiberius 2.
Further, there were rumors that Piso did not commit suicide but was executed. Tacitus does not confirm these reports, but he refuses to suppress them, just as in the death of Agricola Ag.
Tacitus is quick to note that Tiberius was absent from the public and widespread mourning for Germanicus.
The lack of adulation was a stark contrast with other imperial deaths, such as Drusus and Livia 4. They stayed indoors so that they would not be seen publicly mourning, or, as Tacitus insidiously suggests, so that no one would be able to discern their hypocrisy.
Tacitus concludes the case by writing that the great event is an obscure event, maxima quaeque ambigua sunt; the whole affair was to both contemporaries and succeeding generations a matter of great speculation and rumor Ann.
The arcana of the Principate had obscured the truth. Why Tacitus wrote his account this way must be answered in part by his desire to portray Tiberius, and principes in general, as inherently suspicious of virtuous and competent commanders.
By prominently including these rumors, Tacitus suggests that the principes involved were more concerned with their own status and survival than they were with the common good.
This is in strong distinction to the military commanders in question, who are portrayed as risking their lives for the common good, the res publica.
The principes were thus the enemies not only of the common good but also of Rome. So despite the vaunted claims of various principes, Augustus chief among them, that they restored or guaranteed peace, Tacitus undermines such claims and portrays them as a threat to Rome, indeed an enemy.
Tacitus begins his critique of the princeps as an enemy of Rome with the settlement of Augustus. Rather Annales 1.
After the battle of Actium, he inscribed the monument at Nicopolis pace parta terra marique. At Annales 3. It is not surprising then that in the Historiae Tacitus depicts the principes as actual enemies of Rome and equally destructive as any of the strongmen of the Late Republic.
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius are easy to single out, and our ancient sources record little that is admirable about any of them.
All of them, including Vespasian, brought much destruction upon Rome. Vitellius stands out as particularly deplorable. Tacitus portrays Vitellius and his supporters as hostile to Rome by depicting them as Gauls.
Moreover, the Flavians, who trampled the dead after the battle of Bedriacum 3. This is to be expected at least from the propaganda of the victors of the civil war, but Tacitus does not limit his depiction of principes as enemies of the state to those who waged war to become princeps.
Thus, Rome is a battlefield strewn with slaughter after the fall of Sejanus Ann. He is depicted as triumphator after the assassination of his mother, inspiring Tacitus to call him the arrogant victor over public servitude Following the fire at Rome, Nero pillages the empire as if it were a defeated enemy The position of princeps, unless tempered by the principle of adoption, essentially institutionalized strife and civil war into the Roman political system.
Although Tacitus writes in the prologues of the Agricola and Historiae that Nerva and Trajan provided security, in the rest of his writings, in particular the Annales, Tacitus shows how the Principate threatened the security of the state and prevented libertas at the same time.
When the Parthians renewed their hostility toward the Romans, Tiberius rejoiced because it provided him with a pretext to recall Germanicus and to place him in an unfamiliar province with unfamiliar troops Ann.
Upon the death of Germanicus, the Parthians soon turned hostile. The Parthian king Artabanus, who, once faithful to the Romans and just to his own subjects on account of his fear of Germanicus, soon became arrogant toward the Romans and cruel to his own people 6.
Although Agricola was condemned to silence, national disasters would not allow him to be forgotten as a number of legions suffered losses because of poor leadership, while Agricola remained idle Ag.
Even now, as Agricola tried to avoid public attention, he was driven to glory by his virtues and the vices of others Tacitus is not resorting to rhetorical hyperbole; these military setbacks were very real.
In 85 the Dacians had invaded Moesia and killed the legate Oppius Sabinus; they later defeated and killed the praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus and destroyed his army in Antonius Saturninus revolted along the Rhine in 88, and in 89 Domitian himself was defeated by the Marcomanni and Quadi.
Lastly, the Iazyges invaded Pannonia and annihilated a legion in The dedicated service to the res publica exhibited by Agricola and Germanicus stands in stark contrast to the paranoid and self-serving behavior of their principes.
The Frisians revolted more because of Roman avarice than their impatience with subjugation 4. Apronius, the Roman legionaries entered into battle in a disorganized manner more reminiscent of barbarians 4.
Apronius for his defeat at the hands of the Frisians 4. The reversal was disgraceful enough, but Apronius did not even bury the dead, which included tribunes, prefects, and centurions.
Even more significant than the defeat is the reaction of the princeps and senate. While the Frisians won great fame throughout Germany, Tiberius suppressed news of the loss at Rome, afraid to present the opportunity for gloria to another commander.
The senate neglected to address the defeat because of the crisis at home, a pavor internus, caused by Sejanus 4. The metus hostilis, which under the Republic led to concordia at home, was overshadowed by the domestic fears caused by the imperial regime.
The senate was besieged by Sejanus, and Tiberius was more concerned with preventing any rivals from gaining glory and thus power. So while the Frisians enjoyed a renewed sense of freedom from Rome, the Romans themselves were in servitude to Sejanus and Tiberius.
The entire episode demonstrates how the absence of libertas at Rome impacted military affairs beyond the border. How then should an individual operate under such conditions in a way that was demonstrative of libertas?
There have been hints at how this could be done in a military context in what I have mentioned about Agricola and Germanicus thus far.
Domitius Corbulo and the Restoration of Military Libertas Along with Germanicus and Agricola, Cn. Tacitus portrays Corbulo admirably for his decision to fulfill his duty to the res publica, that is, to act as a free citizen of Rome with a spirit of libertas.
This does not mean that Tacitus portrays Corbulo as being successful in every way, and especially not in the terms of success as the Principate defined them, that is, promotion and survival.
In fact, Corbulo famously regretted sparing Nero and coming unarmed to his meeting with the princeps, from whom he received his order to be executed Dio Corbulo, like others Tacitus highlights, resisted the Principate by serving the res publica, not the princeps, who typically was more concerned with his own survival rather than the health of the state.
Corbulo, despite the danger it will bring him, does not shrink from his responsibility. Even though the fulfillment of this duty draws him into conflict with Claudius and Nero, Tacitus portrays him as a model Roman general deserving comparison with the military commanders of the Republic.
Corbulo, consul suffectus in 39, was the most acclaimed general during the reigns of Claudius and Nero and consequently plays a prominent role in the latter third of the Annales.
Corbulo functions for Tacitus in a manner similar to Germanicus. Just as Tiberius had his popular commander Germanicus, so Nero had Corbulo.
In this passage, Corbulo, like Germanicus, is portrayed with Republican virtues. The first thing Corbulo focused on after the defeat of the Chauci was to restore the legions to their ancient virtues It was reported that two soldiers were even executed for not carrying out their work with their proper armaments The Frisians, who, as mentioned above, had defeated that dux Romanus L.
Apronius in CE 28 Ann. He also secured the execution of Gannascus, the leader of the Chauci. Tacitus makes the distinction between Corbulo and Apronius explicit by mentioning him by name In contrast, Corbulo through his severitas secured the victory and strengthened the empire.
Back at Rome, however, his successes caused consternation. The news was welcome to many, but some, who had the ear of the princeps, found it sinister.
Here Tacitus unequivocally states the dilemma facing imperial generals: while defeat certainly did not help a military career, success could often threaten it.
The emperor was persuaded by the rhetoric of his advisors. In return for his successes, Corbulo was ordered by Claudius to return his soldiers to the west bank of the Rhine.
Modern scholars may praise Claudius for stemming a potentially reckless campaign across the Rhine, but Tacitus does not interpret the episode in this way.
The passage outlines how the fear of civil war thwarted the ambitions of Roman generals and encouraged them more to otium than gloria.
Corbulo was preparing his camp when the order to return came unexpectedly Ann. To express his dismay, Corbulo cried out his famous words, beatos quondam duces Romanos.
The Republic, as it became idealized, expected generals to press their successes as much as possible; the state thereby benefited. Caesar even considered this privilege worth fighting a civil war over.
The Principate turned that reasoning on its head: military success was as dangerous as military defeat. Tacitus uses the episode to disparage once again the legitimacy of imperial military awards.
He maliciously writes that Claudius conceded the triumphal insignia to Corbulo, although he did not allow him to fight the war, which presumably would have justified the insignia Ann.
The contradiction inherent in this statement is startling and echoes the recall of Germanicus and his triumph, which was granted though the war was denied 2.
Rufus also won triumphal insignia; he received them, however, for merely opening a mine. Moreover, the mine yielded little silver and the soldiers paid dearly in lost supplies while digging it out.
Rufus was adulatory toward his superiors, arrogant to inferiors, and cumbersome to peers Still more, Tacitus juxtaposes a commander who truly served Rome and a commander who served only his self-interest.
The image of the army asking the emperor to do such a thing is highly ironic and practically ludicrous.
Traditionally the soldiers, not just the general, shared in the triumph, which was a reflection on them as much as on their commander. Their willingness to forgo such an honor indicated that even the soldiery was aware that the practice was not based on military achievement and that the honor had become cheapened under the Principate.
Nevertheless, beyond the accustomed flattery the appointment of Corbulo brought genuine happiness to the senate and an opportunity for Corbulo to display his virtues Lepidus 4.
In his negotiations with Tiridates, Corbulo is described as a vetus et providus dux and a dux Romanus Ann.
Corbulo thought it was worthy to recover for the Roman people the great conquests of Lucullus and Pompey Lucullus had taken in 69 BCE Corbulo did restore discipline in the East just as he had along the Rhine Ann.
He inspired by his leadership: in the midst of a cold winter, he went among the soldiers lightly dressed and with an uncovered head.
After the destruction of Artaxata, Nero was hailed as imperator and the senate followed with its usual adulatory decrees: thanksgivings, statues, arches, successive consulships for Nero.
The days of the victory, the announcement of the victory, and the passage of the resolution were all declared national festivals.
The proposals were so extravagant that C. Cassius protested, arguing that the year was too short for so many holidays and time had to be given to the business of mortals.
By the end of the narrative in book 14 Paetus is portrayed as a foil to Corbulo, which is best demonstrated in how Paetus leads his troops without proper provisions.
Choosing appearances over reality, aspectui consulitur spreta conscientia, the senate still insisted on erecting triumphal arches on the Capitoline The honors had been voted while the war was still undecided, a common occurrence, and now that the truth of the setback was known the honors were still granted.
To conceal his concern over the reversals in Armenia, Nero emptied a number of granaries into the Tiber to show that the grain supply was well taken care of In Armenia, hostilities were quickly renewed.
Yet without loss of life or fighting a pitched battle, Corbulo managed to win concessions from the Armenian monarch Tiridates, brother of the Parthian king Vologaeses, who agreed to travel to Rome to show allegiance to the princeps Ann.
Corbulo then disappears from the remaining text of Tacitus. Our text of the Annales breaks off with the death of Thrasea Paetus in 66, but surely Tacitus would have devoted substantial detail to the events of 67 when Corbulo was recalled to meet Nero in Greece and forced to commit suicide.
Tacitus does provide some details in the Historiae. He reports that Arrius Varus, who had served under Corbulo in the East Ann. He even remarked to Nero that he possessed a fine slave in Corbulo.
Corbulo seems to have had ties to the circle of dissidents surrounding Thrasea Paetus. Corbulo was most likely the son of Domitius Corbulo, praetorian and road curator Ann.
Nero Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus and A. Caecina Paetus, fatherin-law of Thrasea Paetus. Further, there are also allegations of solidarity between Corbulo and the Asian proconsuls Barea Soranus and Lucius Antistius, whose son-in-law, Rubellius Plautus, was charged with Stoicism Ann.
Without the account of Tacitus, however, there is no evidence to conclude that Corbulo was plotting a military overthrow of Nero.
Corbulo does not merely pursue a career by serving the princeps or seeking petty ambitions, such as triumphal insignia. Corbulo reveals his libertas by serving the res publica through effective military command reminiscent of Republican generals and through his pursuit of gloria.
He instills in his soldiers a traditional Roman discipline through his virtue of severitas. Certainly, these characteristics of military competency and severe discipline did not endear Corbulo to Nero or even allow him to survive under such a princeps.
The shadowy deaths of Agricola and Germanicus confirm this. For Tacitus, the distinction between Nero and Corbulo is the distinction between a tyrant and a free man.
The same could be said for the principes Domitian and Tiberius and their generals Agricola and Germanicus. To prohibit the prominence of such men, the principes beginning with Augustus no longer permitted the traditional military honors, such as the triumph or the title imperator, to be bestowed on individuals outside the imperial house.
Even watered down awards, such as the triumphal insignia, were corrupted by giving them to imperial friends and denying them to those in disfavor regardless of military accomplishment.
This innovation had a demotivating result, as commanders were hesitant to risk life and reputation on hazardous campaigns.
He provides a way out from the corruption through his portrayal of individuals who in various ways resist this corruption, even if their actions do not look like the resistance we would prefer.
Like Agricola and Germanicus, Corbulo resists by resolving out of a sense of libertas to serve the common good, the res publica, not a tyrant.
The military was only one arena where the dominatio of the Principate corrupted libertas. As we will see in the next chapter, the senate also felt the corrupting effect of the Principate on libertas senatoria through the machinations of the delatores.
Yet just as in his portrayal of the military, Tacitus shows a way out of the corruption and offers examples of how to be a citizen of a res publica endowed with a spirit of libertas in the face of hostility and danger.
Similar pressures were felt at Rome in the senate. At first glance, this may seem inaccurate, for the imperial senate had expanded powers.
Unlike the Republican senate, it could pass legislation, elect magistrates, and function as a court. Tacitus writes in book 1 of the Annales that the boldest of the political class of the Late Republic died either on the battlefield or through proscriptions Ann.
Within this system, individuals had to act and make decisions. Most had more to gain by adapting to the new order of things rather than by resisting.
The informants delatores , to whom Tacitus devotes much attention, were used to attack the opponents of the regime and were frequently successful.
The delatores, however, were not merely pawns in a game. At times, they frustrated even the princeps, who could be found powerless to prevent their attacks against others.
Since the most overt expressions of resistance were the most easily recognized and stifled, opposition sought more covert forms.
The senator who was adept at using nuanced language and even imperial ideology to persuade the senate and to influence or frustrate the plans of the princeps could be more effective and at times more threatening to the daily workings of the system of the Principate than someone who resorted to violent resistance.
Misreading these acts of resistance has led to the consensus that Tacitus and those he writes about did not oppose the Principate as such but rather opposed individual principes.
What may not look like resistance in the eyes of a modern scholar in the West could actually be a brave act of dissent in the autocratic system of the Principate.
At best, it is of little or no consequence; at worst it is an evasion. The prisoners who spend their time dreaming about life on the outside might be digging a tunnel; the slaves who sing of liberation and freedom might instead take to their heels.
I shall begin with the delatores generally, who directly or indirectly suppressed the free expression of political action, and then I shall focus on the cases of Suillius Rufus and Gaius Silius.
Lastly, I will turn to those senators who resisted the violence and coercion of the Principate and aspired to expression and action independent of the princeps and his collaborators, specifically the senators Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Helvidius Priscus, all of whom Tacitus presents as exemplars of libertas.
Tacitus and the Delatores The term delator is not a Republican word; it appears first in Livy in a neutral sense, referring to Roman officials sent to Greece He also shows how the princeps protected delatores until some pursued their aims too far and experienced retribution for their excesses, most often at the hands of the princeps or fellow delatores.
In the Agricola, Tacitus writes that while the Republic reached the limits of libertas, the Principate reached the limits of servitude through the espionage of the informers who enforced a silence on Rome and nearly stripped its citizens of the ability to remember Ag.
Tacitus does so by recording the actions of the delatores in all their horror. In the prologue of the Historiae, Tacitus pours out some of his harshest criticism against them Hist.
The violence was harsher at Rome. Nobility, wealth, offices, those refused and those accepted, were considered a crime, and for virtue death was most certain.
The rewards of the delatores were no less hated than their crimes.